Vivien Pertusot, of the international relations think tank Ifri, said the Franco-British political relationship had never been defined by the European Union but is based on bilateral interests.

 In a few days’ time, the populist conservative Boris Johnson may well be on his way to becoming British prime minister. And the radical left Podemos movement could be close to the reins of power in Spain. There is the question of what role the current EU institutions — the Commission and the Parliament — might play in a new climate infused with Euro-wariness. “There’s a realization that Europe has changed much faster than its conservative, slow-moving institutional bodies,” said Vivien Pertusot. 

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In Europe, "Hollande is considered as domestically weak, he's not considered as a leader who can revolutionise France," Vivien Pertusot, the head of the French think-tank Ifri's Brussels office, told EUobserver.

Vivien Pertusot appears in a news report by Euranet Plus looking at the section on social benefits from the deal found between the United Kingdom and the European Union.

Vivien Pertusot analyses the difficulties between the United Kingdom and France over the draft deal on the "Brexit" negotiations ahead of the European Council.

The consultations on Cameron’s demands were run with the EU members by the head of the European Council, Donald Tusk from Poland. Tusk wrote down what was said and sent a letter to London and other European capitals. The letter was quite peculiar, admits Vivient Pertusot, the head of the French Institute of International Relations (IFRI) in Brussels.

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The offer of active military support to France in Syria or in the Sahel by several European member states is likely to overshadow the absence of meaningful commitment from others. On balance, the picture will not be too disheartening for supporters of the EU: its foreign and security policy apparatus will not come out damaged, but only because it has not been properly tested.

France has been ambivalent on the British renegotiation campaign. The general mood is to keep the UK in, but messages are going in different directions. Some are shrugging off the UK’s calls for reform and are not trying very hard to accommodate Westminster. Others seem keener to find an acceptable deal for Britain.

Without real and profound change in Greece's dysfunctional state, it is almost irrelevant whether the country reaches a short-term deal with its creditors or not, say analysts. "Greece cannot perform economically well in the long-term without major structural reforms. These need to address the size and quality of public administration and the fight against corruption," says Vivien Pertusot, of the French Institute of International Relations, a Brussels think tank.

Ideally, the impetus for reform needs to come from inside Greece, says Pertusot. "It's one thing to impose these reforms on yourself, quite another to have them imposed from outside, which makes it difficult for a government to own the reforms. It is possible to prioritise improving the quality of public administration, and decreasing its size, but it will take years to see concrete progress."

Long-entrenched vested interests will likely prove an obstacle to change, says Pertusot, and government will still need to function while reforms are enacted. "To revamp an entire system without smashing it is a complicated and delicate task. It requires the right leaders at the right time, willing and able to fight against an established system."

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