Najib Razak’s Malaysia: A solid economy on a foundation of political tension
Najib Razak began his term as Prime Minister of Malaysia in 2009 amidst a severe global economic crisis, concern over spiraling public debt and fears the country would fall into the ominous “middle income trap”.
Uncertainties abounded over the direction of the national economy, and in particular its capacity to face challenges associated with a significant opening-up and the strong power of the state, which itself was highly dependent on oil rents. But thanks to China, which has become Malaysia’s first trading partner, growth rebounded in 2010.
Accompanying the launch of the tenth five year plan, the government introduced a new economic model from 2011 and embarked upon a set of economic and bureaucratic reforms (Economic Transformation Program 2011-2020) in order to bring Malaysia up to the rank a fully developed country by 2020. Najib Razak also announced the implementation of a post-racial social policy (1Malaysia) and important reforms in the field of freedoms and fundamental rights.
But 2013 marked a turning point in the field of human rights, democracy and national harmony in this multi-ethnic and multi-religious country with a Muslim majority. Following the thirteenth general elections, the Barisan National coalition dominated by Najib’s Malay party (United Malaysian National Organization - UMNO) managed to hold on to power thanks to an ultra-favorable mapping of electoral districts, while the opposition won 51 % of the popular vote. In this tense political context, structural reforms would be pursued, leading to an economic consolidation and a rebalancing in terms of partners, industrial sectors, investments and role of domestic demand compared to external demand. However, political and democratic opening would be stopped. The financial scandal 1MDB, revealed on the international scene by the Wall Street Journal in the summer of 2015, led Najib Razak to harden his stance and pursue unprecedented political tightening in order to reassert his authority. If the national economy seems to be put on the right track and able to withstand to the drop in the oil prices and to the Chinese economic slowdown, parliamentary democracy and the political and social climate have been considerably degraded compared to the term of Najib’s predecessor, Abdullah Badawi.
China’s Climate Leadership after Hormuz: How Should Europe Adjust?
The effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz in early 2026 offered an unplanned stress test of China’s approach to energy security, and China passed it far better than most expected. The episode demonstrated that the underlying risk of supply disruption is real, while validating a preference for resilience and resource security that has long underpinned Chinese energy and climate policy and has now been reinforced under the banner of building an “energy powerhouse.”
China as an ambivalent supporter of the WTO and the multilateral trading system
Amid rising trade tensions between Europe and China and broader uncertainty in the international rules-based trade regime, Beijing has worked to preserve and bolster the multilateral trading system while at the same time failing to reform the domestic policies that have served to undermine that same system.
Pakistan and the Israel-Palestine Conflict: Transformation in Pakistan’s Approach After the War in Gaza
Pakistan has long combined vocal support for the Palestinian cause with covert engagement with Israel. Since the war in Gaza, this balance has become untenable: public opinion is united against Israel, joining Trump’s Board of Peace has drawn rare cross-party criticism, and new regional alignments put normalization out of reach.
The Oceania Factor in France’s Evolving Indo-Pacific Strategy
This paper examines the two-way relationship between France’s Indo-Pacific strategy and developments in Oceania. Oceania was not a priority in the initial years of France’s Indo-Pacific strategy, as the region was largely treated as secondary to major strategic hotspots and key partnerships, while overseas territories were primarily handled as domestic issues and recipients of a top-down strategy.