The 2008 war in Georgia is but a milestone on the downward curve in NATO-Russia relations, one that has been characterized by misunderstandings, misplaced expectations and missed opportunities. This is not a new Cold War, but there is an obvious need for new ideas rather than repackaged old ones. NATO has to be sensitive to genuine Russian security concerns, and the latter should appreciate that manipulation, intimidation and attempts at dividing the Alliance are not shortcuts to superpower restoration. There is ample room for cooperation if the right lessons are learned, the gap between rhetoric and reality is reduced, and policies are governed by patience and pragmatism.

China has become an important provider of development assistance (through grants and soft loans) to Central Asian states. The focus of this study is the two states of the region most in need of aid: Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. The paper discusses the characteristics of Chinese assistance, comparing its activities and policies in Central Asia with those in Africa, and draws conclusions about the implications of such growing engagement. Given the European Union's declared interest in the region, notably through its Strategy for Central Asia adopted in 2007, the opportunity is taken to suggest ways in which China's growing development role should be understood in Brussels.

The report is based on research trips to Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan in June-August 2008 supported by a grant from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It is part of the Regional Competence-Building for Think Tanks project in the South Caucasus and Central Asia organized by the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs.

The goal of this paper is to analyze the threat of Islamist terrorism in Central Asia, through analysis of what could be termed a real Al Qaeda-like threat: the IMU (Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan) and its splinter cells, which seem to be the real problem in Central Asia.

Since 2001, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has played an important role in the improvement of Russian-Chinese relations. It has proven valuable for the expression of Moscow and Beijing's common interests at a regional level. However, the SCO is not insulated from potential difficulties in the Russian-Chinese relationship. Therefore, both countries hope that the organization can become a mechanism to manage tensions stemming from their sometimes divergent interests in Central Asia. However, to develop fully as an organization it must remain relevant to all its members, not just Russia and China.