Russia/Eurasia Center
Founded in 2005 within Ifri, the Russia/Eurasia Center conducts research and organizes debates on Russia, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and the South Caucasus. Its goal is to understand and anticipate the evolution of this complex and rapidly changing geographical area in order to enrich public discourse in France and Europe and to assist in strategic, political, and economic decision-making.
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Director of the Russia/Eurasia Center, Ifri
Publications
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Research Areas
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Titre Axe de recherche
Russian Economy and Society
The Economy and Society research axis within Ifri's Russia/Eurasia Center is interested in economic questions including the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy as well as the evolution of society (demography , middle classes, youth, education, opposition, militarization, protest movements, etc.).
Titre Axe de recherche
Russian Domestic Politics
The Domestic Politics research axis within Ifri's Russia/Eurasia Center analyzes Russian domestic politics, the evolution of the political system and its elites, as well as their relations with society.
Titre Axe de recherche
Russian Foreign Policy and Defense
The Foreign Policy and Defense research axis within Ifri's Russia/Eurasia Center examines Russia's relations with the former Soviet republics and the rest of the world, particularly the West and China. A specific importance is given to defense and security issues.
Titre Axe de recherche
Eurasia
The Eurasia research axis within Ifri's Russia/Eurasia Center analyzes internal developments in Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, as well as their relations with the Russian Federation and other regional and global powers.
Publications
The Impact of "New Public Management" on Russian Higher Education
The higher education reform underway in Russia is part of a much broader state reform project. Launched in 2004 at the start of Vladimir Putin's second term, this "administrative reform" grants the federal state the means to reclaim the public sphere, which largely escaped from its control during the 1990s. Energy incomes having considerably improved the public finances in the 2000s, the state can now consider reinvesting in and restructuring the public sphere as a whole. Its involvement cannot be seen as the construction of a "welfare state," but comes rather closer to an entrepreneurial state at the head of sectorial trusts aiming to be competitive on global markets. Such as it appears today, the restructuring of higher education is key to understanding how the formation of this entrepreneurial state is conceived and what possible structural uncertainties could arise.
This paper is based on the seminar presentation "Higher Education in Russia, Potential and Challenges," which took place on 28 January 2008 at the Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri).
Higher Education in Russia: How to Overcome the Soviet Heritage?
Russia's higher education (HE) reform, begun 15 years ago, was intended to provide a response to the challenges of the new post-industrial, high-tech economic development model. During the course of the reform, many of the negative features inherited from the Soviet period (ideologization, complete state-ownership of assets, excessive centralization of decision-making) were overcome. However, many characteristics of the Soviet system have turned out to be highly resilient, right up to today: the separation of science and education, the socio-humanitarian science sector remaining behind the natural and technical sciences, and the gap between the "elitist" and the "mass" segments. In the initial stages, the problems of reform were forced into the background, behind the much more acute problem of survival. The real window of opportunity did not appear until the start of Vladimir Putin's second term as president, when favorable economic (potential to increase budget financing) and political (consolidation of the team of reformers) conditions were created.
This paper is based on the seminar presentation "Higher Education in Russia, Potential and Challenges," which took place on 28 January 2008 at the Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri).
Higher Education, the Key to Russia's Competitiveness
In terms of higher education, Russia displays indicators worthy of enthusiasm: a high level of people benefiting from higher education, an increase in the number of students and the multiplication in the number of higher education establishments. Higher education is increasingly in demand, since diplomas have both professional and social value. This educational boom seems to correspond to the Russian authorities' declared aim to develop a 'knowledge economy'. After a period of crisis during the 1990s, public policy in this domain is gaining strength. Nevertheless, questions remain unanswered: will this policy be pursued after the presidential elections of March 2008 and will it be able to take on the challenge that Russian growth represents?
This paper is based on the seminar presentation "Higher Education in Russia, Potential and Challenges", which took place on 28 January 2008 at the Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri).
Higher Education in Russia. Potential and Challenges
In terms of higher education, Russia displays indicators worthy of enthusiasm.
Armenia, a Russian Outpost in the Caucasus?
Since the fall of the USSR, Armenia and Russia have sealed a strategic pact within the framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), the military arm of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). This political, military and economic alliance represents the strategic alliance in the South Caucasus, a region in the process of opening up. In the context of the 2008 Russian and Armenian presidential elections, it is interesting to analyze the relationship between these two states.
EU Gas Liberalization as a Driver of Gazprom's Strategies?
Russia and Gazprom's natural gas strategies on the European market are the result of the uncertainties (volumes, prices) created by the liberalization of the EU natural gas market. The company's policy of asset acquisition, begun at the end of the 1990s, the multiplication of export networks, as well as the desire to preserve long-term contracts while benefiting from new contractual opportunities are all clear illustrations of this strategy. Yet the industrial and commercial strategies that Gazprom may develop cannot discount geopolitical issues. Therefore, Vladimir Putin's desire to place hydrocarbons at the service of his economic and foreign policies, notably by making use of large, internationalized companies owned primarily by the state, remains in the background.
High Stakes in the High North: Russian-Norwegian Relations and their Implications for the EU
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Norway embarked on a policy to overcome old dividing lines in the High North and encourage closer cooperation with Russia, its large neighbor to the east. In addition to being neighbors in the High North - an area that still plays an important part in Russian strategic designs - both countries are important global energy players and share interests in developing energy resources in the area. However, their energy cooperation is influenced by many historical and geopolitical factors and concerns, and their bilateral relationship is strongly influenced by a visible disparity of their respective potentials and by their historically determined perceptions of each other. To what extent their cooperation in the energy sphere will be influenced by these perceptions, and to what extent their energy related interests overlap or collide are a few of the questions addressed in this brief analysis of the developing Russian-Norwegian energy relationship, particularly in light of Gazprom's decision to invite StatoilHydro to join the Shtokman gas field project.
Russia and the "Gas-OPEC". Real or Perceived Threat?
The threat of a gas-OPEC, waved around by certain big producers, has given rise to much fear in consuming countries. The behavior of Russia, a key exporter, has made it seem as though gas sales could be used as a political weapon. In truth, the creation of an entente between exporting countries is not technically feasible. What is more, Russia remains reticent to join any association in order not to limit its room for maneuver. Seeking to dominate the world market, it has singed a certain number of agreements with other big producers. Nevertheless, the capitalistic constraints of the gas market jeopardize the chances of long-term coordination, which is incompatible with short-term political interests.
Paris and the EU-Russia Dialogue: A New Impulse with Nicolas Sarkozy?
The visit by French President Nicolas Sarkozy to Russia (October 2007) and the future French Presidency of the European Union (in the second half of 2008) call for a reflection on Franco-Russian relations and their structure within the broader framework of Russia-Europe relations. In the coming years, the nature of the EU-Russian dialogue will become a crucial issue, while Franco-Russian bilateral relations are now relegated to second place. This discrepancy is forcing French policy-makers to resort to a pragmatic and realistic approach in order to better combine the two agendas. This article examines the immediate issues at stake in the EU-Russian dialogue, the EU's attitude toward Russia and, conversely, Russia's attitude toward the EU. For each point, this article will examine whether the French stance has been sustained or if it has evolved.
Rosoboronexport, Spearhead of the Russian Arms Industry
Rosoboronexport, a federal state unitary enterprise, is at the heart of Russian political power: it is the key pivot of the arms exports policy and of the ongoing consolidations of the Russian military-industrial complex (MIC). On behalf of its Director Sergey Chemezov, a close relation of President Vladimir Putin, Rosoboronexport has become the driving force for the renewal of Russia's military-technical policy, as it benefits from a quasi monopoly on arms exports. Through Rosoboronexport, the Russian state is seeking to modernize the Russian MIC - token of the country's power and influence on the international scene. In order to ensure the long-term success of its takeover operations of Russian industrial companies, Rosoboronoexport now needs to complete its transformation into an industrial holding company and strengthen its privileged position beyond the next Russian presidential elections to be held in 2008.
The Team
Our research fellows: Russia/Eurasia Center
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