German Defence Policy in 2014 and beyond: Options for Change
The speeches made by several German leaders at the Munich Security Conference in early 2014, emphasized that Germany needs to be ready for greater international commitment, and without a priori excluding military instruments.
While several elements seem to indicate growing awareness that change is needed, the nature of German contributions – especially in Africa – shows the long road ahead. A basic contradiction persists between the government’s rhetoric that Germany should participate in international operations and the political limitation on its contributions toward training, advisory functions and logistical support. Apart from political support at the highest level, increased responsibility needs also to be supported by public opinion, which still lacks enthusiasm for what it often perceives as militarism. Similarly, German defence export policy is torn between the government’s willingness to support industry in exporting and the negative feedback about these exports from the public. Change may occur as a result of external developments, linked to NATO or the defence industry, but these impulses need to be taken up by national debate. It remains to be seen whether or not the direction taken will coincide with that outlined in Munich. The crisis in Ukraine must also be taken into account: it could have a catalytic effect, increasing Germany’s visibility and engagement in NATO. Through this crisis, Germany is under pressure to intensify its engagement.
Claudia Major is deputy head of the Research Division “International security policy” at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik).
Christian Mölling is Research associate at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik).
Available in:
Regions and themes
ISBN / ISSN
Share
Download the full analysis
This page contains only a summary of our work. If you would like to have access to all the information from our research on the subject, you can download the full version in PDF format.
German Defence Policy in 2014 and beyond: Options for Change
Author(s)
Related centers and programs
Discover our other research centers and programs
The Study Committee on Franco-German Relations (Cerfa)
The Study Committee on Franco-German Relations (Cerfa) was created in 1954 by an inter-governmental agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and France, in order to raise awareness of Germany in France and analyze Franco-German relations, including in their European and international dimensions. In its conferences and seminars, which bring together experts, political leaders, senior decision-makers and representatives of civil society from both countries, Cerfa develops the Franco-German debate and stimulates political proposals. It regularly publishes studies through two collections: Cerfa notes and studies as well as Franco-German visions.
Cerfa maintains close relations with the network of German foundations and think tanks. In addition to its research and debate activities, Cerfa promotes the emergence of a new Franco-German generation through original cooperation programs. This is how in 2021-2022, Cerfa led a program on multilateralism with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Paris. This program is aimed at young professionals from both countries interested in the issues of multilateralism in the context of their activities. It covered a wide range of themes relating to multilateralism, such as international trade, health, human rights and migration, non-proliferation and disarmament. Previously, Cerfa had participated in the Franco-German future dialogue, co-led with the DGAP from 2007 to 2020, and supported by the Robert Bosch Foundation and the Daniel Vernet group (formerly the Franco-German Reflection Group) which was founded in 2014 upon the initiative of the Genshagen Foundation.
Find out more
Discover all our analyses
Friedrich Merz and the Zeitenwende 2.0. A “New Era” for Transatlantic Relations?
On February 23, 2025, almost 60 million voters were called upon to elect a new Bundestag. These elections will also give rise to a new government in Europe's largest economy.
After the Elections: Germany in Search of Shaken Stability?
With a voter turnout of 82.5%, Germany recorded its highest participation since 1987—an increase of 6.1 percentage points compared to 2021. As in the previous election, the high turnout particularly benefited the Alternative for Germany (AfD), which was able to mobilize many former non-voters. Many voters sought to punish the outgoing government with their ballots, as its approval rating had dropped to just 14% before the coalition broke apart in November 2024. Germany is now very likely heading toward a grand coalition between the CDU/CSU and the SPD, with exploratory talks having begun on February 28.
The German Greens as an Alliance Party: The End of an Illusion?
At the Wiesbaden Congress in November 2024, Robert Habeck, currently Minister for the Economy and Climate, was nominated as the Green Party’s candidate for the Chancellorship in the early parliamentary elections on February 23, 2025. The party, founded 45 years ago, is now firmly established in the German political landscape. Wishing to turn the page on an unloved ‘‘traffic light’’ coalition, the party is banking on a personal campaign and an optimistic discourse based on the energy transition and social justice.
The rise of the AfD and the choice of radicalism
Founded in 2013, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) has become increasingly radical as crises have unfolded. Since 2015-2016 and the massive influx of immigrants into Germany, it has positioned itself as a virulently anti-migrant party and continues to consolidate its foothold in the German political system, particularly in parliaments. While its roots are very strong in the eastern regions, where its main strongholds are located, it is also attracting more and more voters in the west, against an overall backdrop of normalization of the far right and a national context marked by strong economic and political destabilization.