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A Smiling Medveded

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A Smiling Medvedev
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In Denmark last Tuesday, President Medvedev said he had a smiling face for the world. Not surprising. The deal he is reported to have done with President Yanukovitch should bring smiles to many Russian faces - mostly in the Kremlin. However, it is unlikely that the President’s namesake in Gazprom, Alexandre Medvedev is smiling because his company’s interests have once again been subordinated to Russia’s foreign policy agenda.

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Earlier in this decade many said that Russia was right to raise gas prices to Ukraine and Belarus because it didn’t make economic sense for Russia to subsidize their consumption. But those lower prices were never driven by economics any more than is President Yanukovitch’s “lower” gas price now. The price increases to Ukraine were punishment for the Orange Revolution, Ukraine’s convergence with the west and talk of NATO. The political price tag on the new Russian/Ukrainian gas deal is all too apparent with the agreement to extend the lease of Russia’s Black Sea fleet in Ukrainian ports by another 25 years - a breathtaking concession which Russia will be only too happy to enforce - unlike the gas price deal that looks like so many others.

" Cheaper gas for decades " is an ill-defined concept. Cheaper than what? The deal struck does not appear to give Ukraine any real price break compared with prices at the German border it leaves in place discretionary penalty clauses and take-or-pay provisions that will bind if Ukrainian gas consumption were to decline - and at Russia’s discretion. Even if Ukrainian/Russian relations were destined to be warmer under President Yanukovitch, he should have gotten a great deal more for granting 25 more years of the Russian fleet at Sebastopol. Russia’s major gas buyers have negotiated better deals without yielding their equivalent of national sovereignty. It would seem reasonable for Ukraine to expect at a minimum a gas price equivalent to the lower of the National Balancing Point price for spot gas in the UK or the lowest price to any German buyer of Russian gas discounted for transport.

Ukraine’s economy is dangerously over-dependent on gas. Higher Russian prices these past years have not been passed through to consumers and Ukrainian gas consumption reflects the energy profligacy of the Soviet Union. Ukraine will have no choice but to begin passing through these prices if they are to expect continuing support from the EU and IMF. Unhappiness over the deal will only make adjustment to higher prices more difficult. Unfortunately, this deal continues to follow the specious logic that Ukraine’s energy security concerns are external and that Russia is either the problem or the solution. Many of Ukraine’s real vulnerabilities are internal, i.e. inefficiency, pricing, market structure, lack of transparency, and more.

The opposition was unambiguous in its anger about the extension of the Sebastopol lease. But they have only themselves to blame after squandering the potential of the Orange Revolution by tolerating years of fratricide between President Yushenko and Julia Tymoshenko. Ukraine remains as vulnerable as it was before to Russian use of its gas exports to advance its foreign security agenda and Europe’s drive for greater diversity of gas supplies is as justified and urgent as ever.

It should come as no surprise that President Yanukovitch’s supporters in the parliament who seek to railroad Ukraine’s deal with the Russians into law - have egg on their face.

 

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William C. RAMSAY

Intitulé du poste

Directeur du Centre Energie de l'Ifri de 2008 à 2011, Conseiller de 2012 à 2016

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Climate & Energy
Center for Energy & Climate
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Ifri's Energy and Climate Center carries out activities and research on the geopolitical and geoeconomic issues of energy transitions such as energy security, competitiveness, control of value chains, and acceptability. Specialized in the study of European energy/climate policies as well as energy markets in Europe and around the world, its work also focuses on the energy and climate strategies of major powers such as the United States, China or India. It offers recognized expertise, enriched by international collaborations and events, particularly in Paris and Brussels.

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AI, Data Centers and Energy Demand: Reassessing and Exploring the Trends

Date de publication
24 February 2025
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The information and communication technologies sector today accounts for 9% of global electricity consumption, data centers for 1-1.3%, and artificial intelligence (AI) for less than 0.2%. The growing energy demands of cloud services first, and now AI workloads (10% of today’s data centers electricity demand), have exacerbated this trend. In the future, hyperscale data centers will gain shares amongst all kinds of data centers and AI will probably account for around 20% of data centers electricity demand by 2030.

Laure de ROUCY-ROCHEGONDE Adrien BUFFARD
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Unlocking India’s Energy Transition: Addressing Grid Flexibility Challenges and Solutions

Date de publication
20 February 2025
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India is rapidly scaling up its renewable energy (RE) capacity, adding 15–20 GW annually, but the ambitious goal of 500 GW of non-fossil capacity by 2030 is at risk unless the pace accelerates.

Akul RAIZADA
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Date de publication
02 December 2024
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EV batteries recycling is a building block for boosting the European Union (EU)’s strategic autonomy in the field of critical raw minerals (CRM) value chains. Yet, recent evolutions in the European EV value chain, marked by cancellations or postponements of projects, are raising the alarm on the prospects of the battery recycling industry in Europe.

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Couverture Politique étrangère 4-2024

The New Geopolitics of Energy

Date de publication
03 December 2024
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Following the dramatic floods in Valencia, and as COP29 opens in Baku, climate change is forcing us to closely reexamine the pace—and the stumbling blocks—of the energy transition.

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