Dans le lamento assez général sur l’état de l’Union et de ses composants (décadence générale inscrite dans la démographie
et la mondialisation, incapacité à décider ensemble, échec de la
monnaie unique, etc.), il faut en effet distinguer entre de multiples niveaux d’analyse: la crise financière née aux États-Unis tournant en crise économique; les spécificités de la crise en Europe, et celles de divers politique étrangère espaces politico-économiques face à cette crise, sur le continent même; les difficultés de la zone euro; l’efficacité –ou non– des mesures prises par les divers niveaux institutionnels de l’UE; ce que tout cela, enfin, nous dit des relations entre États membres à venir et de l’avenir global de cette Union.

Abstract

In Europe, exiting the crisis has itself become a crisis, for two reasons: imbalances in the international monetary system and in the euro area, along with contradictions in different national policies. Exiting the euro area is not a credible policy for member countries, and nor is accelerated monetary integration. This leaves progressive coordination as the only feasible scenario, in which Franco-German agreement will play a vital role.

Denise FLOUZAT-OSMONT D'AMILLY is a Professor in Economics at the Paris-I (Panthéon-Sorbonne) University.

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Abstract

The crisis has revealed the insufficient coordination of European economic policies. The setting-up of a permanent mechanism allowing for the supervision of national economies and the prevention of indebtedness could be the instrument of a European growth strategy, without which distrust over the single currency and integration are likely to rise. But only a strengthening of democratic legitimacy at the level of the Union can justify a new transfer of sovereignty from Member States.

Daniela SCHWARZER heads the Research Division European Integration at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik SWP, Berlin).

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Abstract

Is the German Question back? This seems to be the message of criticisms lodged against choices by Angela Merkel, suggesting a policy of egoism, the distancing of Berlin from European policy options, etc. Such reproaches have been repeated over decades. And if today Germany has no more complexes about asserting its interests, it is merely advancing them as other members of the Union. The present difficulties of the EU and the euro area lie in weaknesses in European integration.

Hans STARK is a General Secretary of the Comité d'études des relations franco-allemandes (Cerfa) at Ifri. He teaches at the Paris-III (Sorbonne-Nouvelle) university and at Sciences Po Paris.

Abstract

The Lisbon Treaty completed the federal/confederal, bipolar structure of the European Union, putting into place new procedures and institutions, and closing the institutional debate. However, the first months of its application show that there still is no specifically-European pilot in the cockpit. While the Treaty has made advances possible, for example, via reinforced cooperation, Europeans should no doubt apply Lisbon by overtaking Lisbon.

Alain LAMASSOURE, Former Minister, is President of the Committee on Budgets of the European parliament.

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Oui, les intérêts économiques transnationaux (sous leurs diverses
formes: entreprises, agences, ententes, etc.) pèsent chaque jour davantage dans la mise au point des règles de plus en plus nombreuses exigées par la mondialisation: les États affectent ici de contrôler les processus de réglementation, sans toujours en préserver vraiment les moyens. Oui, les minorités issues de l’immigration en Europe occidentale jouent un rôle neuf, et de plus en plus présent, et complexe, dans les relations entre États. Ces derniers restent les maîtres du jeu mais sont contraints d’intégrer des mécanismes hier marginaux : revendications culturelles, constitution de groupes de pression transnationaux, organisations nationales de communautés, etc. Oui, les organisations non gouvernementales témoignent du développement de la catégorie «humanitaire» dans l’action diplomatique classique. Mais elles témoignent aussi de l’émergence d’un espace «diplomatique» particulier: elles articulent leur action à celle des diplomaties classiques, mais ont aussi pour effet de la modeler différemment –pour le meilleur ou pour le pire.
C’est donc l’ensemble de l’action extérieure des États qui semble interrogée par cette émergence des « nouveaux acteurs ». Ce n’est sans doute pas un hasard si le Royaume-Uni et la France, acteurs diplomatiques d’importance et de tradition, doutent au même moment de l’ampleur et des objectifs mêmes de leur «posture» extérieure. Le monde est bien neuf, au moins par l’enchevêtrement de ces acteurs qui oblige à bannir l’analyse simple; et aussi par la prégnance même du discours sur la «décomposition» du système international. En réalité, même si les États doivent trouver de nouveaux modes d’expression, si leurs stratégies se déchiffrent mal dans l’avalanche des revendications de compétences, ils sont bien toujours au coeur du jeu: encore faudrait-il qu’ils sachent comment user de cette position centrale...

Abstract

Are States still at the center of international economic relations? They have to put up with the rise of private actors, including productive and financial multinationals, especially in the key area of setting rules. Large accounting firms, cross-border trade associations, international cartels all strive to ensure that the political standards of globalization respect and foster their interests.

Christian CHAVAGNEUX is Editor in Chief of the quarterly L’Économie politique and Deputy Chief Editor of the monthly journal Alternatives économiques.

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Abstract

The progressive structuring of international networks of humanitarian organizations (NGOs, international public organizations or foundations, etc.) has reinforced their visibility in the area of diplomacy. Their grass-roots expertise and experience in assistance, which are necessary to many international discussions, have stretched their mediation role in conflicts and government lobbying to promote a certain notion of law. Despite several persistent criticisms, this has given power to an “alternative diplomacy”.

Philippe RYFMAN is a Professor an Research Fellow to the Politics Department of the Sorbonne university and of the Centre européen de sociologie et science politique (CESSP Sorbonne Paris-I). He's a Lawyer too, and used to manage the Master « Coopération internationale, action humanitaire et politiques de développement » at the same university.

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Abstract

Diaspora minorities have become significant political actors, especially in Europe. They contribute to reshaping host States, preserving identities that are increasingly guaranteed by specific legislation. They have an international impact, drawing on transnational projects and structures, and by generating original relations between host- and home-States, which are more complex than traditional bilateral relations.

Riva KASTORYANO, Research director at the Centre d’études et de recherches internationales (CERI/CNRS-SciencesPo), teaches at Sciences Po Paris since 1988 and she's a Visiting Lecturer at the New School for Social Research of New York since 2005.

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Abstract

International actions by States are being affected by the new diplomacies of local authorities and non-central governments. The latter are seeking to define collectively a specific identity on the international stage. This is especially the case of large metropolises, whose internationalization is a fundamental phenomenon. Various types of “local” diplomacies exist today, which are both isomorphic and complementary to State actions.

Yves VILTARD is a Research Fellow at the Centre de recherches politiques de l’université Paris-I Panthéon Sorbonne and teacher at the Politics Department of the Paris I-Panthéon Sorbonne university.

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On trouvera dans ce numéro de quoi alimenter la réflexion sur l’analyse contemporaine de la stabilité des sociétés, et donc de leurs relations inter-nationales. Le premier thème est celui des relations polono-russes. Autre commonplace: la permanence, l’immuabilité du système politique
britannique, de ses règles d’alternance bipartisane, non écrites mais réglées plus précisément que bien des dispositions constitutionnelles du continent.

Abstract

Russo-Polish reconciliation draws on a “diplomacy of forgiveness”, which stretches back several years. Only knowledge and recognition of a common history will allow present differences to be overcome. The setting up of a bilateral group “on difficult problems”, which is essentially dedicated to studying historical problems, reflects this ambition. Events in 2010 have clearly accelerated this process, even if it remains long.

Georges MINK is a Research Director at the Institut des sciences sociales du politique (ISP-CNRS). He has edited Le Passé au présent, Gisements mémoriels et actions publiques en Europe centrale et orientale (Paris, Michel Houdiard, à paraître).

Abstracts

The formation of a Tory/LibDem coalition government after the parliamentary elections in 2010 may lead to profound change in Britain’s political system. Compromises have been reached on numerous issues, and both sides seem to have decided to stick to the agreement. Yet the façade of unity could founder on the attitudes of Members of Parliament who may be less docile than their leaders, and on the 2011 deadline of electoral reform sought after by the Liberal-Democrats but which the Conservatives will inevitably resist.

Marie-Claire CONSIDERE-CHARON holds an English aggregation and she's an emeritus Professor at the University. She teaches at the Strasbourg university and at the École nationale d’administration (ENA).

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Abstract

The parliamentary elections in Iraq in March 2010 have not settled anything. They bear witness to profound divisions. Political, social, and religious cleavages remain. Economic reconstruction remains an extremely long process, hampered by vast corruption and the omnipresent “culture of violence”. The risk of a real decomposition
of Iraqi society remains.

Myriam BENRAAD is a Researh Fellow at Sciences Po Paris and has specialized herself on Iraq. Associated to the Centre d’études et de recherches internationales (CERI), she has published L’Irak (Paris, Le Cavalier Bleu, 2010).

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Abstract

In relations between Syria and Israel, the importance of the Golan Heights is both real (control over water resources in the region) and symbolic. Israel would exchange the Golan for a real peace agreement, but Damascus has hesitated to commit itself sufficiently in an area that is hardly strategically decisive. This explains why the many episodes of indirect negotiations have always depended on global and regional issues, and on Washington’s willingness to intervene decisively.

Pierre BERTHELOT is a teacher, and an associated research Fellow at the Institut français d’analyse stratégique and at the Institut d’études orientales (IDEO).

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La comptabilité récupérée par la politique peut s’avérer redoutable ; et notre horreur exhibée ne justifier, au vrai, que notre sentiment d’impuissance ou notre soulagement à ranger le Continent noir dans un règne de sauvagerie «à part». Les analyses ici publiées montrent que l’affaire n’est pas si simple: ni si inquiétante ni si rassurante...

Abstract

Is Africa going from bad to worse, with figures on violent death rising constantly? This idea is shared by most commentators, but merits qualification. First, improvements in statistical systems have removed much of the meaning of historical comparisons. Next, the idea that the nature of conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa is changing and has led to heightened mortality is highly contestable, and sometimes manipulated.

Marc-Antoine PEROUSE DE MONTCLOS is a Research Fellow at the Institut de recherche pour le développement (IRD). He holds a Ph.D in Politics and specialized himself on armed conflicts, unvoluntary displacements of population and the evaluation of humanitary aids in Subsaharan Africa.

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