Abstract
British Euro scepticism –primarily English– is undeniable and the Tory’s  recent inception in government is unlikely to change this. The British people are largely uninformed when it comes to Europe, and the parties’ ambiguous positions on the issue –with the exception of the Liberal Democrats– do not help. In light of the recent coalition, conservatives have reviewed their position concerning Europe, but the future nevertheless does not look European.

Jolyon HOWORTH, professor at Yale University, and Jean Monnet Professor of European Politics at Bath University (United Kingdom), he is also associate research fellow at Ifri (Paris-Brussels).

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Abstract
Will the financial crisis lead to the end of the British economic model set up by Margaret Thatcher and continued by Labour? The United Kingdom’s economy has certainly entered a difficult phase of adjustment and debt can no longer be an asset. The British economic model has other advantages, however, which could redeem it and give it new momentum: the population is dynamic and educated, employment is flexible and therefore dynamic, the fiscal system is attractive, the industrial basis of the economy is solid and the currency is low...

Éric LE BOUCHER, economist, former member of the French economic growth liberation Committee (Attali Committee), co-founder of the Internet website Slate.fr, he is also a columnist for Enjeux-Les Échos.

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Abstract
The United Kingdom is divided on several critical aspects. There are religious divisions, namely the Muslim community’s feeling of isolation and the debate on schooling, a stiffening of social classes due to the slowing of social mobility, and clashes of interest between generations, an issue heightened by an ageing population. Finally, the future of institutional relations between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland remains uncertain.

Alan BUTT PHILIP, former adviser at the European Affairs Committee, head of the regional policy at the House of Lords, and Jean Monnet Reader in European Integration at Bath University (School of management), he is as well visiting professor at Charles University of Prague.

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Abstract
The wave ofmass immigration towards Great Britain after the European Union enlargement in 2004 begs the question: should British citizenship be reviewed and adapted to current needs? The public debate focuses on ‘British values’. Yet it might be more accurate to question the ability of the welfare state and its economic setup to guarantee the integration of new populations through work and social protection.

Andrew GEDDES, professor at Sheffield University (United Kingdom), where he runs the Political Science department. Within his recent publications: Immigration and European Integration: Beyond Fortress Europe? (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2008), and Migration and Mobility in the European Union (with C. Boswell, Londres, Palgrave).

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Abstract
Faced with multiple deployments, difficulties linked to equipment and personnel management, and restrictions linked to budget, the UK’s military is at a dead-end. Its defense policy must be reviewed, a process that has been started in view of the next Strategic Defence and Security Review. However, the parties in charge of this decision must first compromise and reach an agreement on the matter. Changes in the UK’s defence strategy might help develop practical cooperation with the rest of Europe, and particularly with France.

Benoît GOMIS, holds a European Politics degree from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). He worked with the European Council on Foreign Relations, at the Strategic affairs delegation, as well as at the parliamentary assembly of NATO in Brussels.

Christophe GOUSSOT, holds a secondary school teaching qualification of english, a British contemporary civilisation degree. He is in charge of missions at the Strategic affairs delegation. He is currently in charge of the bilateral cooperation with the United Kingdom.

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Abstract
Negotiations on international trade or the environment are held at several different levels: among all members of the debate, representative groups of states, smaller groups of key countries, and between the twomain players in the negotiation. This setup is challenged by new international balances of power, the discrepancy between short-termpoliticalmandates and drawn-out negotiation on long-termissues, and by new internal factors thatmust be taken into account. Thismay well be an opportunity to review the structure of negotiations and the EU and the UN’s place within these debates.

Cédric PÈNE, former adviser to the World Trade Organization (2001-2009), he works at the Forest and Wood section, llinked with the Food and Agriculture Organization and with the Economic Committee for the European United Nations, where he focuses on various subjects linked with climate change.

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Abstract
The Copenhagen climate change conference has failed to meet expectations but has also led to a shift in the structure of multilateral negotiations on climate change. States have reclaimed negotiations, while the UN-centred structure has been weakened. Relations between developed and emerging countries have shifted,with the latter’s influence growing. There has also been an increased participation of civilsociety actors (NGOs) in the debate. A new negotiation structure is emerging but it faces the difficult challenge of avoiding fragmentation.

Emma BROUGHTON, holds an International Relations degree from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). She is currently fellow research assistant for the Health and environment programme at Ifri. She recently published The Global Environment Facility: Managing the Transition (Paris, Ifri, «Health&Environment Reports», n° 3).

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Abstract
As demonstrated by the latest American Nuclear Posture Review, nuclear deterrence policies in the West are gradually taking on a greater resemblance. Yet Russia’s policy is still cause for concern and the doctrines of new nuclear powers remain vague. The tendency withinWestern countries and Russia is certainly a decrease in nuclear weapons stockpiles, but this is not the casewith emerging nuclear powers. Moreover, nuclear arsenals around the world are being modernized. This ultimately paints a troubling picture.

Georges LE GUELTE, former assistant of the International Relations director of the Laboratory of Innovation for New Energy Technologies and Nanomaterials, former secretary pf the Council of Governors at the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). He was also the Head of a research program at the Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques (IRIS), and he is the author of Armes nucléaires, mythes et réalités (Paris, Actes Sud, 2009).

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Abstract
Within an unstable international environment and an impredictable future, nuclear weapons will continue to play a major role in defense policies. Indeed, since disarmament currently seems an unlikely objective, nuclear weapons remain as a security guarantee. Within this context, talk of the global abolition of nuclear weapons remains essentially rhetorical and the supposed link between disarmament and non-proliferation is a tenuous one. The foremost purpose of both disarmament and nuclear deterrence must be security.

Michel MIRAILLET, in charge of the Strategic affairs of the minsitry of Defense.

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Abstract
In recent years, and in spite of the global economic crisis, Brazil has benefited from a remarkable economic growth. Internal changes in the structure of Brazilian society have gone hand-in-hand with changes in the country’s foreign policy, and more specifically: integration within South America, new regional relations and, generally, an increased influence on the world scene. In this context, relations between France and Brazil are symbolic of the new partnerships that are the basis for Brazil’s new international influence.

José Maurício BUSTANI, is the ambassador of Brazil in Paris since 2008. Career diplomat, he was the first chief executive officer of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), and ambassador in the United Kingdom.

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Abstract
The Brazilian president plans to open a new chapter in Brazil’s international engagement by intervening in the world’s great crises. In terms of Iranian nuclear question, the Brazilians have chosen to adopt a conciliatory stance. But will the rapprochement between Brazil and Iran be beneficial to the South American giant’s advancement on the international scene or will it, on the contrary, tarnish the world’s traditionally positive image of Brazil?

Bruno MUXAGATO, holds a PhD in International Relations (university of Cergy-Pontoise/university of Brazilia). He is also professor at Sorbonne nouvelle university (Paris III), and a member of the French-Brazilian Doctoral College.

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Abstract
Bettering relations with Moscow is one of the new Ukrainian president’s foreign policy priorities. Recently reached agreements relative to gaz and Russia’s Crimean fleet are a testament to this commitment. Notwithstanding, Kiev has stated that its foreign policy is no longer a question of East andWest; further, enhanced relations with the EU will serve to balance Moscow’s weight. Fine-tuning this new balance may be tricky, however, due to divisions within the Ukrainian political world.

Dominic FEAN, holds a degree from King's College London and Sheffield University, he is a research fellow assistant at the Centre Russie/NEI at Ifri since 2007, and he teaches at Sciences Po Paris since 2010. He published Du bon usage de l’UE en Géorgie: «partenariat oriental» et gestion des conflits (Paris, Ifri, «Russie.Nei.Visions», n° 44, september 2009).

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Abstract
The weakening of Greece’s traditionally perceived threats, progress in European and Atlantic integration and disillusionment with the UN’s inability to manage bilateral problems are leading Greece towards new diplomatic horizons, particularly in the regional sense. However, this new diplomatic setup is facing problems of its own in light of the serious economic and financial crisis Athens is suffering from, and in the context of a more self-contained view of Greek national interests.

Renaud DORLHIAC, member of the Association des internationalistes and of the French-speaking research network on peace operations, he is in charge of the Balkan issues at the Strategic Affairs Delegation (ministry of Defense). He is also associate member of the Balkan center at the École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS), where he is completing a doctoral thesis.

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Abstract
The withdrawal by Barack Obama of the Bush Administration’s plan to deploy anti-ballistic missiles in Europe certainly marks a change, and one that was necessary in order to redefine relations between Washington and Moscow.Nevertheless, this change by no means constitutes a break from the Bush Administration’s policy. Technically speaking, other systems will simply be deployed. Strategically speaking, Russia’s power must still be ‘contained’ so that US national interests –which remain strikingly constant– may prevail.

Jean-Philippe TARDIEU, head of battalion, he is also an intern at the Collège interarmées de défense (CID). Former Saint-Cyr student, he holds a degree from Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales (INALCO) in russian and he served as military attaché in Uzbekistan.

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