Abstract
After a rather long span of high growth rates, slow inflation and financial stability, the world faces a period of prices volatility, economic uncertainty, social instability and loss of confidence. In order to implement anti-deflationist and fiscal pro-growth policies, and to organise international cooperation on these matters, state intervention is once more needed.More generally speaking, new forms of world governance must be engineered (G20, a new distribution of mandates in the IMF, etc.).

Kemal DERVIS was the Head of the UNDP (United Nations Develoment Program) from 2005 to 2009. He was the minister of Economy (2001-2002), deputy of Istanbul at the Turkish Parliament and member of the Convention about the future of Europe. Before, he was Vice-President of the World Bank (1996-2000). His last book is titled A Better Globalization: Legitimacy, Governance, and Reform (New York, Brookings Press, 2005).

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Abstract
During the last twenty years, financial globalization has strongly stimulated world growth. But it entailed a negative consequence: the spread of the financial crisis all over the world. This crisis demonstrates how necessary a new world governance system is. It must be implemented on two levels: at the economic level, in order to reduce the recession's stretch and its duration; at the monetary and financial level, in order to dodge, or at least to limit the importance of future crises.

André LEVY-LANG, former director of Paribas until its fusion in 1999 with BNP, is an associated honorary Professor at the university Paris-Dauphine and a firm administrator.

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Abstract
The financial crisis hits European institutions that are already shaky. The French presidency gave the illusion that the European Union was well governed, even if the rules remained unchanged. The European Central Bank is presumably the institution which held best, while the European Commission became marginalized. Furthermore, the European Council has not proven autonomous enough in respect to the bi-annual presidency. As for the Lisbon Treaty, it is unsure whether it will be able to cure the European Executive’s persistent weaknesses.

Philippe de SCHOUTHEETE, former permanent representative of Belgium by the EU et former special counsel by the European Commission, is member of the Académie royale de Belgique.

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Abstract
Far from mirroring the perversity of the financial system, the current crisis reflects the complexity of social practices. Wrong interpretations that are seemingly obvious must be kept at arm’s length, as they are misleading and hide real dangers. Risk aversion, which engenders insecurity, is a bad omen of economic recovery. Criticism of financial engineering may end up in protectionist measures in respect to trade relations. To properly interpret this crisis, a broader historical perspective is necessary, beyond short-term reactions.

Marc CRAPEZ, research fellow in political science associated to Sophiapol (Université Paris-X), is the author of, among other titles, Défense du bon sens or La controverse du sens commun, (Monaco, Éditions du Rocher, 2004).

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Abstract
Several factors have contributed to make transatlantic relations looser: the end of the Cold War and its threats, the strengthening of US power and changes in American foreign policy under GeorgeW. Bush, the progress made in the building of the European Union. A new partnership has to be founded on new bases; the United States should give support to the constitution of a strong European Union, especially in the field of foreign policy.

Charles A. KUPCHAN is a professor of international politics at Georgetown University and Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

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Abstract
In 2003,many calls were made in favor of an economic boycott both in the United States and in some European countries that disagreed with the Iraq war, but they had no serious economic consequences. Several factors can explain why trade was not sensitive to transatlantic tensions, the first and foremost being that trade is carried out by multinational enterprises. It is nevertheless possible that some products, as those typically symbolising a country’s specialty, will suffer from these measures in the long run.

Sophie MEUNIER, research fellow at the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, is co-director of the “EU Program at Princeton University”. She has published, among other titles, L’Union fait la force : l’Europe dans les négociations commerciales internationales (Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2005) and Le Nouveau défi francais : la France face à la mondialisation (with Philip Gordon : Paris, Odile Jacob, 2002).

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Abstract
American and European positions on climate change are based on historical choices concerning energy use as well as on different international and economic strategies. The United States will participate in a multilateral agreement only under the condition that their main industrial interests are secured or,  in other words, when the balance of pros and cons tilts on its side.

Imène AJALA is a PhD student in political science at the Institut universitaire des hautes études internationales et du développement (IUHEID) in Geneva.

Urs LUTERBACHER is Professeur in international politics at the IUHEID in Geneva. He has worked on the dynamical models of arms race, general conflict theory and cooperation and conflicts about the global environment changes. He has published, with Detlef F. Sprinz, International Relations and Global Climate Change (Cambridge [MA], MIT Press, 2001).

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Abstract
International relations theories intend to explain why countries subscribe more or less quickly to the statute of the International Criminal Court. However, a rigorous analysis shows that to do so, a country must accept the idea that the international rule is superior to the national rule and furthermore, that judgements by international courts supersede national ones. These criteria explain why the United States and the European countries have different positions in respect to the ICC.

Wayne SANDHOLTZ is Professor in political science at the California University (Irvine).

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Abstract
On the basis of public announcements made during the campaign and of what President Obama’s advisers and supporters have written, the President’s options should not totally oppose the political choices made by the previous government. However, there should be a change in the way America deals with the problems in the “arch of crisis”: Iran, Syria, the Palestinian-Israeli question and Afghanistan. It is precisely on the last two points that the statements made by President Obama are so far unclear and almost contradictory.

Antoine COPPOLANI is a Professor at université de Montpellier III.

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Abstract
The new American administration offers a window of opportunity to solve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The United States and the European Union will hold a prominent position in the negotiations, but they must draw the lessons of past failures. Mediators must be active; international control mechanisms have to be implemented; the living conditions of Palestinians need to be quickly enhanced, and Hamas has to be allowed to govern; otherwise the Middle East peace-making process will be once more hampered.

Patrick MÜLLER is Transatlantic Fellow (TAPIR) attached to Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), at the Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) and the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies (SAIS). His research is on the European foreign policy, the Middle-East conflict and peace making process, and the Euro-Mediterranean relations.

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Abstract
Will the new American government be able to clarify the conditions under which it will engage with Asia? Washington must bring an answer to the fears and expectations of different actors. What will the American position be before China’s difficulties due to the crisis? How could Japan be reassured about its place in the American strategy? How to deal with Pyongyang and how to establish a stable partnership with New Delhi? What could be the right place for the already existing regional institutions?

Valérie NIQUET, director of the Asia Center/Ifri, is research fellow, a specialist of security issues and strategic balances in Asia. Her last publication is titled Chine-Japon, l'affrontement (Paris, Perrin, 2006).

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Abstract
The Syrian President’s visit to Paris during the summer of 2008 symbolized a new course in French diplomacy, and the end of the French-Syrian disagreement. However, it still has to be proven that this new situation leads to a stable political solution in Lebanon, to a more significant French influence in the area, or to speeding up the Syrian-Israeli negotiations. Uncertainties remain, such as the regime’s economic and political stability and its links with Teheran.

Judith CAHEN, graduated in Analyse du monde arabe contemporain (AMAC) of the Institut d’études politiques de Paris and in Arab language at the Institut pontifical d’études arabes et d’islamologie (PISAI) de Rome, is responsible for North Africa and Middle East at the Institut de recherche pour le développement (IRD).

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Abstract
Non-governmental organisations, and among them political foundations, have become important actors in international relations, especially since the end of the Cold War. Americans and Germans hold a prominent position, many of their foundations acting either as a support or as an opposition to their governments. However, the part they played in democratization processes of post-communist societies and in developing countries has not always been well considered.

Marc-Antoine PEROUSE DE MONTCLOS is a research fellow at the Institut de recherche pour le développement (IRD) and a doctor in political science. He works on armed conflicts, forced displacements and relief aid evaluation in Sub-Saharian Africa.

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