Abstract
The Israeli air strike targeting the Dayr az-Zawr area on September 6, 2007 raised numerous questions, which are yet to be answered convincingly. Despite severe Israeli censorship, everything tends to confirm that such an attack was far more than a simple intimidation operation and was probably linked to the presence of nuclear material provided by North Korea. Whatever this strike was really aiming for, it had very positive consequences for the Israeli government, both on the domestic and the international.

Pierre RAZOUX is director of research at NATO's Defence College, in charge of the Mediterranean dialogue and the Near East issues. He is the author of books on the Israeli-Arab conflict, including Tsahal: nouvelle histoire de l'armée israélienne (Paris, Perrin, 2006).

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Abstract
Regarding the European Neighborhood Policy from an American perspective, the fundamental questions are: will the European Union be able to spread stability without the prospect of membership and will it do so inways that are complementary to U.S. interests? Addressing these questions requires not only an examination of technical points, but reflection on Europe's conception of its role in the world. The real contribution of the EU's numerous regional policies may be to make Europe the center of a new space where different regions meet.

Esther BRIMMER, worked for the Policy Planning Staff of the Department of State. She is now deputy director and director of research at the Center for Transatlantic Relations (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies/Johns Hopkins University).

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Abstract
In 2007, the European Neighborhood Policy reached a stage of consolidation. Key aspects such as stream lining of incentives including regional cooperation have been enhanced, while foreign policy cooperation is still weak. Overall, the ENP lacks a long term strategy and coherent political support from member states. Russia quite successfully exploits the inconsistent positions of EU member states. The United States uphold their strategic vision of the wider Europe –whole and free and probably integrated – viewing the ENP at best as the antechamber of enlargement.

Barbara LIPPERT, deputy executive director of the Institut fur Europaeische Politik (Berlin), studies the enlargement and neighboring issues within the program "Dialog Europa der Otto-Wolff Stiftung".

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Abstract
The Mediterranean divide –economic, political, and cultural– is not bridged by the current cooperation with the European Union. The Mediterranean Union project aims at developing new cooperation mechanisms between neighboring countries, without going as far as integration. The success of this project requires confidence between neighboring countries and between Europeans themselves, as well as the implementation of a specific method.

Denis BAUCHARD, expert on the Middle East and former diplomat, has been president of the Arab World Institute from 2002 to 2004 before joining Ifri as consultant on North Africa and Middle East.

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Abstract
President Sarkozy's "Mediterranean Union" project has been perceived from the outset as an attempt to distract Turkey from its EU membership ambitions. The February 2007 Toulon speech explicitly mentioned Turkey as a central pillar of the new co-operative structure to be established under French leadership. Yet Turkish interests in the Mediterranean do not necessarily match the French vision. Occasional Turkish commitment has nonetheless been observed on some regional Mediterranean initiatives, which suggest that the Turkish government could opt for conditional participation in the UMed project.

Dorothée SCHMID, research fellow, North Africa/Middle East Unit, is head of the 'Contemporary Turkey' program.

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Abstract
The concept of a global NATO is not new and has had, over the course of time, different meanings. Its implementation would mean a deterioration of the article 5 guarantees, and a weakening of the Alliance in Europe. It is probably more urgent to stabilize this Alliance on the "Old Continent," by adapting its strategic concept and by setting up a genuine transatlantic forum with the European Union –which should recast its own security strategy.

Simon SERFATY, American foreign policy professor at Old Dominion University (Norfolk), holds the Brzezinski chair in global security and geostrategy, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). His last book is: Architects of Delusion: Europe, America, and the Iraq War (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008).

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Abstract
After the Cold War, the Atlantic Alliance has demonstrated its flexibility. But the current debates over its "going global," the calls to a redefinition of its missions towards civil action, can be seen as distractions, which would dissolve its prime military definition and its organization. The adaptation of the Alliance can only be a success in close cooperation with other institutions –UN, EU, etc.– which have complementary missions.

Benoît d'ABOVILLE was Ambassador representing France at NATO (2001- 2005).

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Abstract
NATO's transformation away from collective defense has sparked a number of internal strategic debates within the alliance. A key factor shaping this debate is the tension between NATO and the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The existence of ESDP offers NATO's European members an alternative to NATO in security policy, which heightens and reinforces strategic debates within the Alliance and reduces the need to find a consensus on key issues in the debate over transformation.

Stephanie C. HOFMANN, doctoral student at Cornell University (Ithaca, NY), is Visiting Fellow at the Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP)in Berlin.

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Abstract
The assessment of the security interdependency in the Mediterranean has founded, after the Cold War, the Mediterranean Dialogue between NATO and some Southern countries. After September 11, this Dialogue has been adjusted towards antiterrorist cooperation. Its articulation with the 2004 Istanbul Initiative towards some Gulf countries remains ambiguous. Its global position towards the numerous political initiatives in the Mediterranean area is also unclear.

Kassim BOUHOU, doctoral student at the Paris III-Sorbonne nouvelle University, works on Mediterranean issues.

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Abstract
Great legal traditions have shaped international law; they have also characterized major geopolitical units. These major legal systems struggle within the international law, fighting or ignoring one another with a movement similar to tectonic plates –these plates sliding over the "magma of power." The "schizo-American," the "kanto-European," and the "Sino-sovereignist" plates are different from each other because of their conceptions of sovereignty. However, the confrontation of these plates will determine a changing international system in the 21st century; within this context, the kanto-European plate seems to be the most fragile.

Julien AUBERT, former student of the École nationale d'administration (ENA), graduated from the Institut d'études politiques (IEP) of Paris and the Johns Hopkins University (School of Advanced International Studies). High-ranking official, he teaches international relations at the Institut de la gestion publique et du développement économique and at the Centre de préparation à l'ENA (Sorbonne/Ulm).

Yannick PROST, aggregation in history, former student of the ENA, is a high-ranking official. He teaches international relations at the Centre de préparation à l'ENA (Sorbonne/Ulm) and history at the IEP of Paris. He is the author of Relations internationales (in collaboration with Justine Faure, Paris, Ellipses, 2004).

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Abstract
The balance sheet of the Kaczynski government reveals a diplomatic service in shambles, strained relations with Germany and Russia, strong convergence with Washington, isolation in the European Union. Whilst new government has already initiated a change in style, and to a degree in substance, suggesting less Atlanticism and better relations with Moscow and Berlin, such endeavours do not necessarily suggest a radical shift in Polish diplomacy.

Kerry LONGHURST, Visiting Fellow at Ifri, is the co-author of The New Atlanticist – Poland's Foreign and Security Policy Priorities (London, Blackwells/Chatham House, 2007).

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Abstract
After a first wave in the 60s and a second one in the 70s, we are probably entering, because of the cost of oil and of the debate over global warming, a third wave of civil nuclear power. This wave can be sustainable only if nuclear power's competitiveness is guaranteed –which precludes small markets and small reactors– and if safety, security and nonproliferation conditions are completely met.

Jean SYROTA, former CEO of Cogema, has been president of the Energy regulation Commission from 2000 to 2006. He is now president of the Energy Commission of the Centre d'analyse stratégique.

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Abstract
The publication of the U.S. National Intelligence Estimate on Iran on December, 2007 profoundly affects the Iranian nuclear crisis. It has given a false sense of confidence about Iran's program: it is likely that the reported interruption of some dedicated military activities in 2003 was a tactical, short-term decision rather than a strategic, long-term one. Other components of Iran's program continue, including uranium enrichment, which could give Tehran a "nuclear breakout" option. Because it undercuts the rationale for military action and further sanctions, the NIE will make the settlement of the Iranian nuclear problem even more complex and difficult than it was before.

Bruno TERTRAIS, research director at the Fondation pour la recherche stratégique (FRS), is also associate fellow at the Centre d'études et de recherches internationales (CERI). His last book: Iran, la prochaine guerre (Paris, Le Cherche-Midi, 2007).

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