Abstract
In the December of 2004, the High-Level Panel, who were commissioned by the Secretary General of the United Nations (UN) to propose measures in response to the new challenges in security, gave its report. The report serves as a basis for current thinking on a wide-array of issues facing the UN. Included in these topics are the methods and framework of using force in international crises, terrorism, the development of the failed states, and the necessary changes within the institutions of the UN itself. From its findings emerges the importance of a universal definition of terrorism, placing it outside the boundaries of absolute law, and the importance of reforming the Human Rights Committee and the Security Council. Despite the proposals, the latter of these suggested reforms will be difficult to bring about.

Robert BADINTER, former Minister of Justice of France and President of the Constitutional Council, senator of Hauts-de-Seine (France). He took part in a High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Changes who were charged by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to draft a report that was made public in December of 2004 under the title: A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility.

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Abstract
The current constitutional crisis can be seen as a Tocquevillian moment for the European Union, which, since 1989, has been living in a period of transition between the end of a purely aristocratic logic of integration and the possible blossoming of a democratic structure within a paradigm liberated from nationalist agenda. To get out of this transition, the French must first take a Copernican revolution, which will lead them to no longer want a Union that resembles a larger France, but rather a developing 'demoï-cracy.' It is a matter, then, of exploring a paraconstitutional path that will look to escape the current period in the best way possible, while at the same time avoiding both the illusion of a possible restoration of the pre-constitutional status quo and the contradictions of a short-term 'neoconstitutional' path.

Kalypso NICOLAIDIS, an invited Professor at the Institut d'études politiques of Paris, teaches International relations at Oxford University and participated in the work of the Convention, as an Advisor to George Papandreou, then Greece's Minister of Foreign Affairs.

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Abstract
The challenges of expansion and constitutionalism were, without a doubt, too difficult for the European Union. The former ran the risk of being used by neo-liberalism in the existing disparities between eastern and western Europeans. Regarding the text that was submitted for ratification, it failed to create a sense of constitutional patriotism. In the future, it is urgent to question the possible forms and purposes of integration, and finally give up the false federalist evidence. Through a very large debate, the people must re-adapt themselves to the questions that make up the present arguments. This debate will organize itself around the most concrete questions, much less global than those suggested by the constitutional text.

Jean-Marc FERRY, Philosopher, is a Professor at the Université libre of Brussels, and Researcher at the CNRS. He also taught at the College d'Europe in Bruges. He is, among other things, the Author of La Question de l'État européen (Paris, Gallimard, 2000) and L'Europe, l'Amérique et monde (Nantes, Éditions Pleins feux, 2004).

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Abstract
The tenth anniversary of the Barcelona Process allows for a critical assessment of the results achieved so far. Economic cooperation has been rather satisfactory, but the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership has been less successful in promoting democratization and regional security. The political aspects of the Barcelona Process have gained recent attention in a context of renewed American activism in the region. The Europeans are now ready to propose closer association to their Southern partners, within the framework of the European Neighborhood Policy. Miguel Angel Moratinos, who was among the founding fathers of the Partnership, explains why the Barcelona II Summit taking place in November should give new impetus to the whole process.

Miguel Angel MORATINOS, who was the Spanish Ambassador of Israel in 1996 and the European Union's Special Envoy for the Peace Process in the Middle East until 2003, is, since April 2004, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and of the Cooperation involved in the government of José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero.

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Abstract
The neighborhood policy of Europe foreshadows a deepening of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Here, we are attempting to assess the extent that European neighborhood policy would be able to respond to the necessities of development and the imperative political reforms facing their partners to the South, as well as its capability of providing some corrections in this process; for example, recognizing and acting on the right to development within a foundation of values and shared principles. On the other hand, the adoption of a strategic approach borrowed from the European economic sphere and pre-membership must also be recommended. Lastly, as a result, aid given at the corresponding level of communal skill and heritage, correlated with the integration of the four liberties (including the movement of people and agricultural products) may contribute to positive progression in neighborhood policy.

Azzam MAHJOUB is Professor of Economics at the Université El Manar I in Tunis and Expert in the network of EuroMeSCo.

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Abstract
For ten years now, the Europeans have chosen a comprehensive approach to tackling security issues in the Mediterranean, often associating economic development with political liberalization. Democratization of the Mediterranean Arab regimes is thus part of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership's consistent agenda. American activism in the region is presently challenging the European 'soft' method for the promotion of democracy. In fact, both the United States and the European Union face recurrent dilemmas to improve their methods for democratization. This autumn, for the first time, the Barcelona summit is due to gather the head of states of all the partner countries; it is vitally important to go beyond the symbolic value of the event and to seize this opportunity to upgrade the political agenda of the Euro-Mediterranean project.

Dorothée SCHMID, is a Researcher of the Mediterranean/Middle East field at Ifri. Specialist in the politics of the European Union and its member states in respect to the Mediterranean. Her research is directed towards comparing the forms of European and American intervention in the region.

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Abstract
The outcome of the Iranian presidential election has surprised many observers. Most analysts who wished for the victory of the State Expediency Council chairman Rafsandjani, simply forgot one thing: voters. In spite of obvious paramilitary, pasdarans and bassiji pressures, this is an unquestionable victory for the new conservatives. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has kept a low-profile campaign. Most importantly, however, he managed to gain the support of the poor, lower middle-class people who harbor strong resentment towards Rafsandjani and corrupt politicians, and who have been disappointed by the lack of interest from reformist parties in improving their day-to-day lives. This 'silent majority' simply wants jobs and decent wages. A new rift is becoming visible between rigid 'neocons' and 'pragmatists' led by Rafsandjani. Khatami's successor's ability and strategy remain open to debate. His ideological discourse may lead to internal constraints and uncomfortable dialogue with the European Union. In essence, Iran's future remains unpredictable.

Michel MAKINSKY teaches about Iran and Islam at the École supérieure de Commerce et de Management of Poitiers (ESCEM), and is a Scientific Associate at the University of Liège.

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Abstract
The recent election of an ultra-conservative during the Iranian presidential raceseems to further distance the idea of a positive conclusion to negotiations with Tehran. Confronted with a dangerous Iranian agenda, the Europeans have been leadingnegotiations that have had some positive effect so far, but which also pose the risk ofa useless prolongation of discussion. A race against the clock hasstarted in August 2005 when Iran resumed a suspended uranium conversion activities in Isfahan. Time has come for the Security Council to take over – what it should have already done in2003 – in a way that will make Moscow and even more Beijing step out of their somewhat ambiguous stances.

Thérèse DELPECH, is Director of the Prospective at the Commissariat à l'Énergie Atomique (CEA) and a Researcher associated with the Centre d'études et de recherches internationales (CERI/FNSP). She is also a Council Member of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) in London and an Commissioner beside the United Nations for the disarming of Iraq (UNMOVIC). Her next book, L'Ensauvagement, will be published by Grasset.

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Abstract
The murder of Dutch film maker Theo van Gogh by a Muslim extremist caused a world-wide commotion and brought several problematic issues to the surface that demand answers. Firstly, are there any parallels between the killing of Van Gogh and that of right-wing politician Pim Fortuyn, both of them being popular critics of Islam, and secondly, did Van Gogh, who used very offensive language in speaking about Islam, cross the line of journalistic decency and freedom of speech? A third question deserving attention concerns the position of Muslims in Dutch society and, finally, what the assassination of Van Gogh and its aftermath say about Dutch society. The author examines these questions which are not only important to the Netherlands, but may also stimulate debates elsewhere.

Jan Herman BRINKS is a Specialist in the contemporary history of Germany and the Netherlands. He was formerly a Researcher associated with the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies at Johns Hopkins University (1995-1996) then at the University of Bath and at Birkbeck College in London (1997-1998). From 2002 to 2004, he worked as a Researcher at the Centre for German-Jewish Studies at the University of Sussex.

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Abstract
The United States' use of force since 1945 has been significantly influenced by the perceived consequences of appeasing Hitler in the 1930s, and, from the mid-1970s to 2001, by the chilling effects of the Vietnam War. As the U.S. approached its second war with Iraq, proponents cited the Munich analogy to justify U.S. action, whereas opponents argued that the U.S. was risking another Vietnam. Though reasoning by historical analogies is inherently dangerous, an examination of the threat parallels between Hitler and Saddam Hussein, and between the Vietnam War and the situation in post-Baathist Iraq, reveals that the Munich analogy was misused as an argument for war. In contrast, the American dilemma in Iraq bears some important analogies to the Vietnam conflict, particularly in respect to the challenges of state-building and the sustaining of domestic public support for an unpopular, protracted war.

Jeffrey RECORD is a Professor at the Air War College (Alabama). He has published numerous works, among which are The Wrong War: Why we lost in Vietnam (Annapolis [MD], Naval Institute Press, 1998), and Making War, Thinking History: Munich, Vietnam, and Presidential Uses of Force from Korea to Kosovo (Annapolis [MD], Naval Institute Press, 2002).

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Abstract
It may seem as though there is a contradiction between the German national ambition to become a permanent member of the United Nations' Security Council and the European Union's approach of closer coordination between the two organizations. This is, however, not the case if one accepts that a Union of 25 (and more) members needs a flexible approach towards organizing its relations with the UN. Using this as a basis, there is good reason to believe that the German goal to join France and the United Kingdom as a permanent member of the Security Council is compatible with the aim of creating a European core, the EU's readiness to support UN operations, the national endeavors to contribute more to the UN's stand-by system, and the special command arrangement SHIRBRIG. These factors, as well as the different forms of coordinated financial support, are likely to improve the efficiency and sustainability of UN operations.

Peter SCHMIDT is a Researcher at the Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (Foundation of Science and Politics, SWP, Berlin) and a Professor at the University of Mannheim. He specializes in transatlantic relations, questions of European security, and relations between the European Union and the United Nations.

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Abstract
Rapid and ongoing transformation of conflicts, or 'fluidity,' may well become the most intriguing and destabilizing characteristic of the future international environment. What would such a scenario imply in terms of actors' sociology, means, and conflict systems? Fluid actors will be able to transform rapidly, remaining undetectable; as a result of a complex relationship with territory, they could have truly chaotic objectives. In terms of strategies and tactics, these actors will make systematic efforts to break with routine and to destabilize their adversaries, defeating them through a mind game rather than through a military confrontation. The systems of conflict resulting from this fluidity will be highly volatile, interdependent, and complex. In essence, it will be impossible to define these systems with one given type of conflict.

Aline LEBOEUF, Researcher involved in the field of Security Studies at Ifri since October 2003, has a degree from the Institut d'études politiques of Paris (2002) and from the DEA de Relations internationales of the Université Paris I (2003). Her thesis, in the process of being published, will concern the British intervention in Sierra Leone.

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Abstract
The article argues that a new Harmel Report is needed for NATO. Today, as in the 1960's, the Alliance is facing a political crisis that's outcome has the potential to jeopardize the political relevance of NATO in the transatlantic security framework.The currently ongoing work in Brussels on Comprehensive Political Guidance is necessary but not sufficient in giving new impetus to the Alliance and in revitalizing its political role as the main forum for transatlantic security cooperation. Some issues will be raised we believe should be addressed in a new political strategy of the Alliance. Once approved by NATO Heads of States and Governments, both documents could provide a solid foundation for NATO in the future. On completion of the above-mentioned, the revision of the Strategic Concept will come sooner than perhaps expected by those who are skeptical of such reform.

Jean DUFOURCQ, Rear Admiral (ret.) is Head of academic research at Collège de la Défense of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Rome.

Carlo MASALA is Counselor of research at the Collège de la Défense of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Rome and Associate Professor of Political Science in the department of Political Science and European Affairs at the University of Cologne (Germany).

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